For the scene that the western wasn’t particularly violent, see Robert R. Dykstra, The Cattle Towns (New York, 1968).
For a characterization of this debate a few years later on, see Robert R. Dykstra, “Quantifying the crazy West: The Problematic Statistics of Frontier Violence, ” Western Historical Quarterly, 40 (Sept. 2009), 321–47. On western bloodshed, but because of the assertion that frontier mayhem ended up being overstated, see Eugene Hollon, Frontier Violence: Another Look (nyc, 1978). When it comes to argument that the frontier ended up being violent, however in particular methods, see Roger D. McGrath, Gunfighters, Highwaymen, and Vigilantes: Violence regarding the Frontier (Berkeley, 1984), 247–60. On high homicide prices in counties in Nebraska, Colorado, and Arizona, see Clare V. McKanna, Homicide, Race, and Justice into the United states West, 1880–1920 (Tucson, 1997). For an interpretation of this reputation for homicide across United states areas that looks at wider habits and particularity that is regional see Randolph Roth, United states Homicide (Cambridge, Mass., 2009). Leonard, Lynching in Colorado; Carrigan, Making of a Lynching heritage; Gonzales-Day, Lynching within the western. On Kansas, see Brent M. S. Campney, “‘Light Is Bursting Upon the World! ’: White Supremacy and Racist Violence against Blacks in Reconstruction Kansas, ” Western Historical Quarterly, 41 (summer time 2010), 171–94); Brent M. S. Campney, “‘And This in complimentary Kansas’: Racist Violence, Ebony and White Resistance, Geographical Particularity, therefore the ‘Free State’ Narrative in Kansas, 1865 to 1914” (Ph.D. Diss., Emory University, 2007); and Christopher C. Lovett, “A Public Burning: Race, Intercourse, while the Lynching of Fred Alexander, ” Kansas History: A Journal regarding the Central Plains, 33 (summer time 2010), 94–115. On mob physical physical violence in fin-de-siecle southwest Missouri and northwest Arkansas, see Kimberly Harper, White Man’s paradise: The Lynching and Expulsion of Blacks in the Southern Ozarks, 1894–1909 (Fayetteville, 2010). The Lynching of Cleo Wright (Lexington, Ky., 1998) on a 1942 lynching in Missouri’s bootheel, see Dominic J. Capeci. For a research study of mob physical violence in Indian Territory in 1898, see Daniel F. Littlefield Jr., Seminole Burning: an account of Racial Vengeance (Jackson, 1996). Zagrando, naacp Crusade against Lynching, 5. On lynching in northeast Texas, see Brandon Jett, “The Bloody Red River: Lynching and Racial Violence in Northeast Texas, 1890–1930” (M.A. Thesis, Texas State University at San Marcos, 2012). On vigilantism in Montana when you look at the 1860s, see Frederick Allen, a good Orderly Lynching: The Montana Vigilantes (Norman, 2004). For comprehensive state ebony xlovecam.com and territory listings of western, midwestern, and lynchings that are northeastern see “Appendix: Lynchings when you look at the Northeast, Midwest, and West, ” in Lynching beyond Dixie, ed. Pfeifer, 261–317. For a recently available evaluation of midwestern history, see Jon K. Lauck, The Lost area: Toward a Revival of Midwestern History (Iowa City, 2013). Feimster, Southern Horrors. For the interpretation of females and young ones in western lynching, see Helen McLure, “‘Who Dares to create This Female a Woman? ’: Lynching, Gender, and customs within the Nineteenth-Century U.S. West, ” in Lynching beyond Dixie, ed. Pfeifer, 21–53.
On postbellum lynchings of whites in Alabama as well as other southern states, see John Howard Ratliff, “‘In Hot Blood’: White-on-White Lynching together with Privileges of Race into the United states South, 1889–1910” (Ph.D. Diss., University of Alabama, 2007). Walter Howard, Extralegal Violence in Florida through the 1930s (Cranbury, 1995). Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky, 19–60; Carrigan, Making of the Lynching customs, 112–31; Gilles Vandal, Rethinking Southern Violence: Homicides in Post–Civil War Louisiana, 1866–1884 (Columbus, 2000), 90–109; Baker, This Mob Will Undoubtedly just simply Take my entire life; Bruce E. Baker, exactly What Reconstruction Meant: historic Memory within the US Southern (Charlottesville, 2007), 84–87; Williams, They Left Great markings on me personally; Thompson, Lynchings in Mississippi, 4–16; Pfeifer, Roots of harsh Justice, 81–87. For the present interpretation of racial physical physical physical violence into the Reconstruction Southern, see Carole Emberton, Beyond Redemption: Race, Violence, while the American South after the Civil War (Chicago, 2013). Pfeifer, Roots of Harsh Justice, 32–46. For information documenting 56 mob executions of servant and free americans that are african the antebellum Southern, see “Lynchings of African Us americans into the Southern, 1824–1862, ” ibid., 93–99. For the artificial treatment of lynching in US history which includes conversation regarding the colonial and antebellum eras and slavery, see Manfred Berg, Popular Justice: a brief history of Lynching in the us (Lanham, 2011).
National Association for the development of Colored People, Thirty several years of Lynching in america. On methodological issues with lynching data, specially when it comes to areas beyond your Southern, as well as on approaches for compiling a nationwide stock, see Lisa D. Cook, “Converging to a nationwide Lynching Database: Recent Developments, ” Historical techniques, 45 (April–June 2012), 55–63. On methodological dilemmas mixed up in quantification of lynching, see Michael Ayers Trotti, “What Counts: Trends in Racial Violence within the Postbellum South, ” Journal of American History, 100 (Sept. 2013), 375–400. I really do not share Michael Ayers Trotti’s view that methodological challenges, significant because they are, may outweigh some great benefits of counting US lynchings.
On British and Irish influences on United states lynching and analysis of U.S. Mob violence in a context that is global see Pfeifer, Roots of harsh Justice, 7–11, 67–81, 88–91. Regarding the Norwegian community’s collective murder of the Norwegian farmer accused of mistreating their family members in Trempeleau County, Wisconsin, in 1889, see Jane M. Pederson, “Gender, Justice, and a Wisconsin Lynching, 1889–1890, ” Agricultural History, 67 (Spring 1993), 65–82. When it comes to argument that involvement in lynching physical violence against African Americans had been a way for Irish, Czechs, and Italians in Brazos County, Texas, to say “whiteness, ” see Cynthia Skove Nevels, Lynching to Belong: Claiming Whiteness through Racial Violence (College facility, 2007). On lynching as well as other types of collective physical physical violence in structural terms across global countries, see Roberta Senechal de la Roche, “Collective Violence as Social Control, ” Sociological Forum, 11 (March 1996), 97–128. Manfred Berg and Simon Wendt, eds., Globalizing Lynching History: Vigilantism and Extralegal Punishment from a worldwide Perspective (ny, 2011); Carrigan and Waldrep, eds., Swift to Wrath.
When it comes to argument that U.S. Lynching within the long century that is nineteenth respected lynching violence in modern Latin America and sub-Saharan Africa as a significant episode in contested state formation, see Pfeifer, Roots of harsh Justice, 88–91. This is simply not to reject or elide key structural variations in the contexts for mob physical physical violence among these respective countries. For contrasting interpretations of present Latin linchamientos that are american see Angelina Snodgrass Godoy, “When ‘Justice’ Is Criminal: Lynchings in modern Latin America, ” Theory and community, 33 (Dec. 2004), 621–51; and Christopher Krupa, “Histories in Red: methods for Seeing Lynching in Ecuador, ” American Ethnologist, 36 (Feb. 2009), 20–39. For a study of nonstate violence in present years throughout the diverse parts of sub-Saharan Africa, see Bruce E. Baker, using the legislation into Their Hands that is own Law Enforcers in Africa (Aldershot, 2002).
Author notes
I will be grateful to Edward T. Linenthal, Hasan Kwame Jeffries, Bruce E. Baker, and a reviewer that is anonymous their reviews on an early on form of this essay.
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